On February 17, 2024 Kosovo celebrated the 16th anniversary of the proclamation of the independence from Serbia. Albanian Daily News talked with former Ambassador to Tirana and Professor at the “Kadri Zeka” University in Gjilan, Kosovo, PhD Sylë Ukshini a few days after the celebrations, focusing on Kosovo after 17th February, 2024, the significance of that Day and the future of the country, the ongoing conflict with Serbia, which is stubborn in its stance of not recognizing Kosovo’s independence and its statehood, the role of internationals and official Tirana to settle that conflict. Regarding the domestic policy line Professor Ukshini was of the opinion that the current leadership has lacked the appropriate experience in international relations, and many times it has not been understood that the former oppositional stance could not be applied in the executive as well, because when you are in power you have international obligations and more realism and pragmatism are required. In the meantime, according to him, the opposition still seems to be without a cause and disorganized, it seems as if it has no confidence in itself. But the former Ambassador is confident that in no circumstances Kosovo’s independence and its territorial integrity could be touched. Below full interview: 

Albanian Daily News: Kosovo marked the 16th anniversary of its independence on February 17, 2024. Please, which is the significance of this Day and what do 16 years of independent Kosovo mean for its people and international community, particularly the friendly countries?

Former Ambassador Syle Ukshini: 16 years ago, the Albanian people of Kosovo, made come true the great dream of being free, and their country became an independent, sovereign and democratic state after a very long journey since November 1912. The independence of Kosovo is the highest political act that crowned our historical efforts, the sacrifice from generation to generation to realize our aspiration - the removal of Serbia from Kosovo. Of course, this dream, this aspiration of ours would not have been realized without the help and political support of the democratic world. Like all the small Balkan countries, even Kosovo, apart from the self-sacrifice of its people, realized this journey towards freedom and independence with the help of international allies. In addition, just like the forces of the anti-fascist coalition that freed many countries of Europe from the Nazi darkness, the democratic countries of NATO also contributed decisively to the defeat of the hegemonic and repressive regime of Milosevic in Belgrade, which brought many sufferings, murders, and massive purges of the Balkan people, Albanians, Bosnians, Montenegrins, Croats and Slovenians and others, but also the Serbs themselves.

Therefore, on this anniversary of Kosovo's independence, as well as on all past anniversaries, we feel an obligation to honor and pay homage to the freedom fighters, to the martyrs of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), to those who defeated the Serbian darkness paving the way to freedom and independence. Respect and honor, of course, go to Albania and its people deserve respect and honor because they have been by our side and have shown solidarity as much as they had opportunities and capacities in this journey.

- Even after 16 years since the proclamation of the independence and broad international recognition of Kosovo the conflict with Serbia, the former occupier, continues and it escalated dramatically last year. Which are the reasons of such a situation and will it continue endlessly against the background of the Russian war on Ukraine, threatening to spill over in the Western Balkans?

- It is true that Serbia was bombed in 1999, but the Serbian doctrine has remained unpunished. I think that the international community was a little hasty and maybe it was a kind of naive desire to believe that Serbia has changed after the fall of Milosevic. The impression was created that this country could be democratized quickly. However, the assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic showed that Serbia remains deeply contaminated with the hegemonic and racist spirit. Even today Serbs glorify the criminals of the last war and violence, mass murders, and the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo and elsewhere are interpreted as a kind of heroism. The bad thing is that the Serbian political elite, mostly former associates and collaborators of Milosevic and Seselj, have never given up on the idea of Greater Serbia.

And speaking straightforwardly, Serbia has never moved from the doctrine of expansionist policy towards Albanians.

We are committed as a people, as a neighboring state of Serbia, to normalize neighborly relations. In the 21st century, the neighborhood cannot be built with the 19th century politics, the 20th century instruments and medieval myths. Russian and Serbian politics practice the same actions in different periods and places. Russia used organ trafficking as an accusation against Kosovo, and after 16 years it returns with the same accusations against Ukraine.

Serbia's denial of the state of Kosovo resembles the actions of Hamas and Iran that deny the existence of the state of Israel. Serbia, therefore, is not a stabilizing factor. Unfortunately, this has been the case throughout the 20th century. The former American president Wilson predicted well in 1919 that "Serbs are a troublemaking people".

- As a diplomat, Mr. Ukshini how do you assess the role of internationals in this conflict in the WB, particularly the US, which contributed decisively to the liberation of Kosovo?

- We were not only lucky, but we also showed patience and ingenuity, when in the 1990s we organized a peaceful resistance against the most discriminatory regime in Europe. We started the armed uprising at the very moment when Serbia was declared guilty and culpable for its hegemonic wars in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia. Undoubtedly, the civil resistance and the armed struggle of the KLA were decisive for the engagement of the international community in Kosovo, for the organization of the Rambouillet Conference and the NATO air intervention, where the USA had the main say and weight. From the beginning of the 1990s until the declaration of independence in 2008, Kosovo has built a good relationship of cooperation and exceptional partnership. This has been a strategic and rational orientation that has been followed by all the leaders of Kosovo, because it was clear that only a partnership with democratic states and a special relationship with the USA would contribute to realize our ideal of liberation from the long Serbian occupation.

Therefore, we have reason to be grateful for this commitment and for this help that was not determined by geopolitical interests, but simply by the belief that a people that were threatened with extermination should be helped. As the talks in Rambouillet continued, Belgrade undertook military steps to achieve a final solution to the Kosovo problem, which meant a Kosovo without Albanians.

Let's not forget that only during the first half of 1999, Belgrade expelled more than 80 percent of Kosovo Albanians in an effort to implement operation "Horseshoe". But, in the meantime, international justice has not yet given its verdict on those responsible for over 400 bloody massacres in Kosovo. The failure to punish Serbian crimes is injustice and insult to the integrity and dignity of the victims and the people of Kosovo itself. Even 25 years after the end of the Serbian aggression on Kosovo our families in Kosovo do not have any information from the Belgrade government about 1617 Albanians forcibly kidnapped by the Serbian military and police forces during the war in Kosovo.

-Meanwhile, the leadership of Pristina is being held similarly responsible like Belgrade about the failure of the dialogue between them mediated by the EU. Mr. Ambassador which is your assessment of this approach?

- First, I think it is in Belgrade's strategic interest that the Albanian side, namely Kosovo, becomes guilty or is shown as blocking the dialogue. We should not fall into such a trap and be prudent and more diplomatic. As I said above, for 25 years in a row Belgrade has lobbied and invested in subverting the narrative about the past, and has made any effort to construct a symmetry as if all are victims and guilty for the criminal past in the region. In addition, Belgrade followed the strategy of victimization of the Kosovo Serbs, whom it incited for disobedience to the state authorities of Kosovo. It is a typical strategy that Milosevic used in the 1980s. Just as he tried to antagonize the Albanians with the then Yugoslav republics, current leadership is now trying to antagonize Kosovo with the West.

Since the problem is more of a security aspect, and this was clearly seen after the Serbian aggression in Banjska on September 24 of last year, I think that the Government of Kosovo should be vocal in its demands, but at the same time its decisions should be presented better in the eyes of media and diplomacy, because often it is not enough just to be right. There should be more international lobbying. At the same time, there should be greater coordination with our allies, especially with the USA, because the security aspects and the main capacity for the defense of Kosovo belong to the NATO countries and therefore they are interested in being aware and coordinated for any action that may have an impact on security, as this is directly related to the presence of their military troops. At the same time, the USA and our allies want to avoid the Russian scenario of shifting the conflict to the Balkans, as it has happened in Gaza. Even the case of Serbian terrorist aggression in Banjska is considered to have been a criminal scenario with consequences for Kosovo and the region.

-To be straightforward which are the supposed mistakes of the current leadership, and which is the stance of the opposition and public opinion in Kosovo regarding this rift with the allies?

- I think that the current leadership has lacked the appropriate experience in international relations. Many times it has not been understood that the former oppositional stance could not be applied in the executive as well, because when you are in power you have international obligations and more realism and pragmatism are required. Then some decisions and some obligations may not be very popular, but this is how the real political and complicated international system works. I think that now (PM Albin) Kurti is facing the system called the international community, which is bureaucratic and sometimes asymmetrical and even conjunctural. Although many of his actions in the north and in the dialogue have been legal, international partners have had reservations about the way they were carried out, which in some cases have been accompanied by populist actions. We also have to admit that even in international positions there is no long-term clarity on what the political process looks like until the end.

On the other hand, the opposition has generally supported the Kurti government in the matter of the Brussels dialogue and the steps taken to establish law and order in the north. But there is a slightly different approach as it thinks that these government actions against extremist elements and smuggling controlled by Belgrade should be carried out in coordination with international partners. This is where everything ends as the opposition still seems to be without a cause and disorganized, it seems as if it has no confidence in itself. But it is good that the opposition is not using the tools and methods that VV (Self Determination movement) used in the past while it was in the opposition. It remains essential that the political parties believe and respect the democratic political transition in Kosovo.

According to my opinion most of the actions have been necessary in the north of the country, where there are old criminal structures from the time of Milosevic, which since June 1999 blackmail the Serbian civilian population in the first place, organize killing of those who do not obey, as was the case with the politician Oliver Ivanovic. They indeed deal with smuggling and money laundering.

Regarding the Association of Serb-majority municipalities of the Republic of Kosovo, I think that the best solution would be for this mechanism to be created in parallel with a legally binding agreement, with mutual recognition and with the provision of strong guarantees for the fast membership of Kosovo in NATO. If it will not be recognized, this association would fight Kosovo's statehood from the inside, while Belgrade from the outside. Instead of temporary agreements, or unlimited temporary agreements, we should have a final agreement. In my opinion, the Ohrid Agreement has many defects and I am not optimistic that it will be realized.

- How do you consider the stance of official Tirana and the messages of Albanian PM Rama to Kosovo leadership particularly after the last visit of the US State Secretary Blinken to Albania?

- I must be clear that the leadership in Tirana represents a line and attitude that is in line with the American and European one. Albania is a member of the UN, NATO, OSCE, candidate country for EU membership and all of these make it follow a moderate position and within its diplomatic and economic capacities. I think that public clashes are not good for either Kosovo or Albania. But the consequences may be greater for Kosovo. For example, instead of a clash, it was possible to ask Rama to deliver some beneficial messages to Kosovo directly in meetings between the two parties.

In addition, Rama is an unconventional politician, a bit extravagant in appearance, but he has been able to gain international credibility and receive some bonuses. In relation to Kosovo, namely with Kurti, he has sometimes been harsh and unnecessarily critical, such as in the presence of Vucic and the Prime Minister of North Macedonia. Such an action does not only harm Kurti, but also Kosovo. For example, Rama has unnecessarily insisted on the Open Balkans initiative for so long that neither former president Thaci nor Prime Minister Kurti agreed with such an undertaking, as long as Serbia has not given up its territorial claims to Kosovo, as long as it denies the integrity and independence of Kosovo. It should be admitted that the normalization of Albanian-Serbian relations does not come from Tirana, but from Kosovo. And this is what Belgrade tries to bypass by entrapping Tirana, which, as Rama said in a meeting in Tirana, Belgrade communicates with many faces, differently with Tirana, differently with Brussels and Washington, and quite differently with Moscow and Beijing.   

- To conclude Mr. Ambassador, which are your expectations for the future of peace and recognition of Kosovo by Serbia? Will the next anniversary be celebrated in another atmosphere with the settlement of the conflict of Kosovo with Serbia and abandonment by Belgrade of its expansionist dream of Greater Serbia?

- Your question is interesting. The point is that an initial agreement between Kosovo and Belgrade was issued at the end of the Kosovo war. If independence had been recognized at that time and if that had happened while Milosevic was still in power, today the political leadership in Belgrade would have understood more easily that a state that commits ethnic cleansing and genocide must pay a price - the right of Kosovo to become independent. When there are five EU countries, which do not recognize the state of Kosovo now, such a thing helps the Russian policy in the Balkans more; it is difficult to expect Belgrade to recognize this reality. We have to admit, the Serbian society is very contaminated, neither the confrontation with the past nor denazification have happened there.

If Serbia tries again to commit aggression on the state of Kosovo, then there will be an all-Albanian response. Former president Ibrahim Rugova said it well in 1989 that "they (Serbs) are a small nation. In the past, whenever a small nation has tried to play the role of a power in the Balkans, it has ended in its own tragedy."

Serbia will become a normal country at that moment when it will first stop seeing Kosovo as an obstacle to the realization of the Serbian project and when it has condemned its doctrine of Greater Serbia. We know how far the Albanians spread before 1877, when Belgrade did the first cleansing of the Albanian territories in the province of Toplice (today Southern Serbia) and now around Kosovo, but we in Pristina are aware that there are no clean ethnic borders and we are not seeking to create Greater Kosovo. We are determined for a new European Kosovo and for a Europeanized region. Likewise, we are happy that Kosovo's independence has created more stability in the region.