The Sisyphean Climb of Media Freedom in Albania
On World Press Freedom Day 2025, Albania finds itself in an ambivalent position: ranked 80th in the latest Reporters Without Borders World Press Freedom Index, marking an apparent climb of 19 places from the previous year. At first glance, this advancement might seem like genuine progress; indeed, certain measures taken to protect journalists and the recent Constitutional Court ruling reaffirming journalists’ rights to protect sources have created positive momentum. However, beneath this surface of optimism, the reality remains bleak. Albania’s improved ranking is largely due to a relative decline in press freedom elsewhere rather than meaningful improvements at home. Much like Sisyphus pushing his boulder uphill only to watch it roll back down, Albania’s apparent progress masks deep-rooted and persistent systemic issues.
Some gains on journalists’ safety
Certain institutional measures and policy reforms, driven primarily by Albania’s EU accession commitments, have generated some promising momentum regarding journalist safety and media freedom. These include the adoption of the Rule of Law Roadmap and the Roadmap for the Functioning of Democratic Institutions, both of which include measures to improve media independence, transparency in ownership, and journalist protection. Notable measures include a dedicated protocol from the Prosecutor General for the investigation of crimes against journalists, the appointment of specialised contact points within the police and prosecution services, and work to establish a journalist safety protocol within the State Police. Promises to decriminalise defamation and adopt the EU’s anti-SLAPP directive also mark a step in the right direction. Albania’s participation in the Council of Europe’s “Safety of Journalists” campaign further reflects growing institutional awareness. The decision of the Constitutional Court of Albania, which overturned the lower-court orders allowing the search and seizure of a journalist’s equipment, reinforced the importance of protecting journalistic sources and freedom of expression in line with international standards.
The substantial reform gap
These efforts have been complemented by a structured dialogue on media reform, supported by the EU and the Council of Europe. The initiative brings together public institutions, civil society, academia, and media professionals to address key issues such as safety, working conditions, access to information, and self-regulation. However, media owners have yet to engage meaningfully, and high-level political commitment has so far been inconsistent. Similarly, while the Audiovisual Media Authority has introduced new regulations to improve transparency in media ownership, these do not address the more fundamental issue: many media owners also hold commercial interests in state contracts, creating clear conflicts of interest. Without tackling these deeper entanglements, genuine media pluralism and editorial independence will remain out of reach.
Structural issues hindering independent public interest journalism
The core problems remain firmly embedded in the media landscape: a nexus of political influence, concentrated media ownership, business interests, and at times powerful informal networks that collectively shape and limit the boundaries of journalistic freedom. Between January and April 2025, the SafeJournalists Network recorded 12 violations against journalists, more than half of them targeting women. Most involved verbal attacks, threats, and intimidation, clear signs of a media environment still shaped by political hostility and impunity. Independent outlets, especially those engaged in fact-checking and investigative reporting, are routinely subjected to delegitimization campaigns led by political figures or their proxies, and amplified through orchestrated online harassment and disinformation. A recent sector-wide survey illustrates the extent of these pressures: journalists cited inadequate legal protection (74.1%), political interference (71.9%), lack of institutional support within their own newsrooms (62.6%), economic pressure from owners and advertisers (59%), and weak institutional responses from law enforcement and the judiciary (53.2%) as the most pressing threats to their safety and professional independence.
Much of this pressure stems from a media ownership structure dominated by a small group of powerful business interests with strong political ties. Editorial lines often reflect broader commercial agendas, reducing the space for critical or independent journalism. Public trust suffers accordingly, with many citizens viewing media not as a source of reliable information, but as an extension of political or economic influence. These are not isolated issues: they are symptoms of a media system structurally tilted against accountability and public interest journalism.
Economic precarity
The vulnerability of journalists in Albania is further compounded by precarious economic conditions. Employment in the media sector is often unstable, with low or irregular pay, informal or short-term contracts, and limited access to legal and social protections. A significant number of journalists report working without formal agreements, leaving them exposed to job insecurity and employer discretion. According to recent data, 42% of journalists observed a deterioration in their working conditions over the past year. This economic fragility deepens their exposure to political and commercial pressures, making it more difficult to resist interference or pursue critical, investigative work without fear of retaliation. Poor labour conditions do not only affect individual journalists, they also weaken the broader media ecosystem by encouraging self-censorship and discouraging editorial independence. Women journalists face additional burdens, including gender-specific harassment, targeted online attacks, and discriminatory treatment, further amplifying their insecurity within an already fragile environment. At the same time, independent media face financial viability issues.
Integrity under siege online
These structural distortions spill directly into questions of integrity and ethics. A number of anonymous portals, bankrolled by politicians, powerful economic actors, or criminal networks, runs smear operations, blackmail schemes, and disinformation campaigns with total impunity. They are increasingly instrumentalized as tools in political power struggles, often reflecting or deepening Albania’s polarized environment. Operating outside any self-regulatory regime, they poison public debate and crowd out fact-based reporting. In such an environment, voluntary ethics codes and self-regulation struggle to take root: honest outlets compete against shadow sites that face neither reputational nor legal consequences. While the problem is clearly recognized, the real challenge lies in the response: how to effectively address this phenomenon without undermining freedom of expression.
What must change
On this World Press Freedom Day, Albania has pushed the boulder part-way up the slope, but it risks sliding back unless the full spectrum of structural barriers that continue to obstruct meaningful progress are addressed. Dismantling the entrenched nexus between politics, business interests, media owners, and powerful informal networks must go hand in hand with measures to limit ownership concentration and ensure financial transparency. Labour standards in the media sector must be enforced to ensure that economic insecurity no longer undermines editorial independence. At the same time, the financial sustainability of journalism must be treated as a core pillar of media freedom, with support for independent outlets to build resilient business models that shield editorial work from political and commercial pressures. Crucially, Albania must reaffirm its commitment to public-interest journalism that speaks to the realities of a digital society, reflects social and cultural change, and is rooted in professional ethics and credible self-regulation. Anything less will keep the country trapped in a cycle of symbolic progress and structural stagnation.