Despitetheapproval of the “Platform for urgent measures for the affirmation of the rights of Albanians" in the Presheva Valley known as the Seven- Point Plan by the Government of Serbia on June 4, 2013, now 10 years after its approval, it can be said that not a single measure has been taken to implement this document or to affirm the position of the Albanians, has said Albanian MP in Serbian Parliament Shaip Kamberi in an exclusive interview with Albanian Daily News.. “Discrimination against Albanians goes on as a result of the lack of political will of official Belgrade and the situation is becoming more and more serious. Albanians remain unintegrated in the judiciary, and in the entire system of state bodies,” he said.  

“The paradox is that all this is happening in the eyes of the EU and the entire international community. A state, which is part of the process of integration into the European family, is brutally violating the individual and collective rights of minorities, which are also guaranteed by the EC documents, and the international community is blind and deaf, not even listening to complaints and on top of all it does not even ‘see’ the Serbian discriminatory brutality,” said the representative of Presheva Albanians in Serbian legislative.  

Touching upon the latest initiatives in the Western Balkans, Kamberi thinks that neither the ‘Open Balkans’nor any other initiative can succeed in the region if they do not include all the WB countries, he said. “And precisely the ‘Open Balkans’ initiative and the current situation in Kosovo are the clearest evidence that without the determination of the relations between Kosovo and Serbia, respectively the Mutual Recognition Agreement, the Western Balkans cannot be stabilized nor can a lasting peace be built.”

According to him, the international community is facing many daily problems in Bosnia, which are a consequence of the status that Republika Srpska has in this country. “Therefore, it would be myopic if it favors a new Republika Srpska in Kosovo, and neither should the authorities in Pristina support such a solution.”        

The Albanian MP in Serbian Parliament, Kamberi is sharp and cut in his conviction that the new Srpska in Kosovo is a sure way to a new war in the Balkans. “Today, 30 years after the war in Croatia and Bosnia, and 24 years after the war in Kosovo, the Serbs refuse to face the bitter truths that inhumane crimes were committed in the name and at the expense of the idea of a greater Serbia. Their refusal to face these truths speaks of their lack of willingness to finally give up the idea of a greater Serbia and the myths that promote and keep this idea alive. The international community must keep this in mind if it does not want bloody wars to repeat themselves in the Western Balkans,” said the Albanian MP in Serbian Parliament, Shaip Kamberi in the following interview: 

Albanian Daily News:  First of all, I thank you Mr. Deputy for this conversation in these hot days of July, but also "hot" regarding the developments in the Western Balkans, especially those between Kosovo and Serbia. But, please, allow me to start with the situation of the Albanians in the Presheva Valley, who continue to be under the brutal endless Serbian discrimination in the eyes of the entire democratic world, including the EU, the US and international organizations like the OSCE. Practically, what are the results of the 7-point plan for the Albanians of the Presheva Valley, which contains basic life issues such as education, health, etc. and that has the support of the OSCE, and which is today's reality?

Albanian MP in Serbian Parliament Shaip Kamberi: "The Platform for urgent measures for the affirmation of the rights of Albanians" known as the Seven- Point Plan in the public opinion, is a joint document of all Albanian parties through which the approval of urgent affirmative measures is required aimed at building interethnic equality and the advancement of individual and collective rights of Albanians.

The Government of Serbia approved this document in its entirety on June 4, 2013. Practically and legally, there is no obstacle to its implementation. However, now 10 years after its approval, it can be said that not a single measure has been taken to implement this document or to affirm the position of the Albanians. Discrimination against Albanians goes on as a result of the lack of political will of official Belgrade and the situation is becoming more and more serious. Albanians remain unintegrated in the judiciary, and in the entire system of state bodies.

The paradox is that all this is happening in the eyes of the EU and the entire international community. A state, which is part of the process of integration into the European family, is brutally violating the individual and collective rights of minorities, which are also guaranteed by the EC documents, and the international community is blind and deaf, not even listening to complaints of Albanians and on top of all it does not even ‘see’ the Serbian discriminatory brutality.

-Mr. Kamberi, you have brought to the attention of the international public opinion the report of the US Department of State on Human Rights Practices for 2022, which severely hits Serbia for the systematic state and institutional discrimination against the Albanians of the Presheva Valley. As there is an intense US diplomatic activity regarding the Kosovo-Serbia conflict, is there any US attention to the rights of the Albanians in the Valley violated by Serbia?    

- Not at the right and satisfactory level. Indeed, the American reactions, at least at this stage, are too soft, insufficient to withstand Serbian discriminatory brutality. We have visited the US several times, we have had meetings at the highest level in the Senate, Congress and the State Department, but, despite the promises that the position of the Albanians is part of the US foreign policy agenda, we have not seen any positive movement.

- Some time ago (beginning of January 2022) you have expressed your opinion about the 'Open Balkans' in the media, saying such an initiative could not be democratic and complete without the inclusion of three other countries of the Western Balkans (Kosovo, Montenegro and Bosnia-Herzegovina). Above all, you have said that this initiative is being dangerously challenged by the Serbian political concept, and according to you, Serbia's attempt to destabilize Kosovo through the Serbs living in the northern part is one of its main challenges. Now that we speak, the mission of ‘Open Balkans’ has been declared "closed" by one of the initiators of this project, Prime Minister Edi Rama. But both Serbia and North Macedonia have said 'It is not its end!' First, according to your opinion, what was achieved with this initiative, and secondly, why does Serbian President Vucic insist on continuing the initiative?

- Neither ‘Open Balkans’ nor any other initiative can succeed in the Western Balkans if they do not include all the countries of this region. And precisely the ‘Open Balkans’ initiative and the current situation in Kosovo are the clearest evidence that without the determination of the relations between Kosovo and Serbia, respectively the Mutual Recognition Agreement, the Western Balkans cannot be stabilized nor can a lasting peace be built. It is very clear that Serbia and Vu?i? want to become factors at the regional level. But the withdrawal of Albania will most certainly affect the political stance of Montenegro and North Macedonia. Therefore Vu?i?'s efforts in this regard will not be successful.

I believe that Prime Minister Rama's last stance has the support, at least in the background, of the international decision-making centers as well. We see that serious accusations are being made against Serbia and Vu?i? and the people around him by the British MP for arming the Serbs in the North and at the same time Vulin is put on the US blacklist, while Vu?i? himself accuses Germany of financing the protests in Serbia. So the pressure on him is increasing both internally and externally.

-Mr. Deputy, please, how do you assess what is happening in and around the north of Kosovo and how is it possible that a unique international front headed by the EU and the US, including official Tirana, has been created against Prime Minister Albin Kurti to impose on Prishtina the creation of the Association of Serbian Municipalities as Belgrade wants it, what Vucic reconfirmed in the presence of Prime Minister Rama in Belgrade by rejecting the latter's proposal and ignoring the 'godfathers' of the Franco-German plan?

- All this is part of the general pressure to find the final solution. While at the beginning all the pressure was directed towards Prime Minister Kurti, recently, it seems that Vucic and Serbia will not remain in the position of comfort. The accusations of arming the Serbs in the North of Kosovo, which also implicate the Serbian church, are serious and are coming from a state which is present in that part of Kosovo with its soldiers in KFOR. It remains to be seen, but it seems that the increasing pressure on the two sides is aimed at persuading the parties to reach an agreement.

The international community is facing many daily problems in Bosnia, which are a consequence of the status that Republika Srpska has in this country. Therefore, it would be myopic if it favors a new Srpska in Kosovo, and neither do the authorities in Pristina should support such a solution.

- Meanwhile developments are precipitating at a frightening speed in the north of Kosovo with international warnings for the escalation of the conflict between Kosovo and Serbia. Prime Minister Rama spoke in Belgrade in the presence of Vucic warning specifically: “No one should underestimate the risk of escalation to the point where we find ourselves in a situation where armed movements begin to do something that we must not allow to happen, which will lead us to a comparable situation with Donbas." Mr. Kamberi, how do you consider the warning about the implication of "armed movements" in the conflict? 

- The situation is serious and this was best illustrated by the events of the last month. However, there is a serious difference between the North of Kosovo and Donbas. The territorial integrity of Kosovo as a whole and consequently its northern part is guaranteed by the international military force, KFOR. The Kumanova agreement is very clear about what could happen in case of any Serbian military incursion in that part.

Even when he mobilizes the army, even when he brings tanks near Merdare, Vu?i? is clear that he cannot enter Kosovo. He does all this to increase the pressure on the international community, but also for the needs of internal politics. Where he was unbeatable until a few months ago, that is in the domestic field, the Serb President is receiving successive blows that are weakening his popularity and the power of the party that he leads.

- What do you think of the perspective of developments in the north of Kosovo and in general in the region? How much successful will Vucic and his followers in Serbia be in the endeavor to establish a 'new Srpska' in Kosovo within the framework of the 'Serbian World' platform?     

- I hope not. The new Srpska in Kosovo is a sure way to a new war in the Balkans. The problem does not stand in the rights of Serbs there, because the Constitution of Kosovo is the most updated legal act in the region in terms of guarantees and the level it offers for the rights of communities, especially for the Serbian community. The main problem in the Western Balkans is Serbian aspirations for a new kingdom.

Milosevic has failed in his Greater Serbia project through the formula "wherever the Serbian language is spoken, it is Serbian land". While Vucic, even when he joined the ‘Open Balkans’ regional initiative, simultaneously launched the "Serbian World" project, which is ambition for a greater Serbia.  

There are two Serbian myths that serve as the aspiration of political elites in Belgrade through the centuries - to make Serbia "a powerful empire, instead of remaining a small isolated country." The first myth speaks of "innocent and suffering Serbia" and the second myth complimenting the first, that of "foreign miscreants conspiring against the very existence of Serbia". Encouraged and inspired by these myths, the Serbs caused bloody wars at the end of the last century to "build a perfect Serbian society even through the elimination of the groups that were accused of making it impossible to realize it."

Today, 30 years after the war in Croatia and Bosnia and 24 years after the war in Kosovo, the Serbs refuse to face the bitter truths that inhumane crimes were committed in the name and at the expense of the idea of a greater Serbia. Their refusal to face these truths speaks of their lack of willingness to finally give up the idea of a greater Serbia and the myths that promote and keep this idea alive. The international community must keep this in mind if it does not want bloody wars to repeat themselves in the Western Balkans.