European Parliament member Fabio Massimo Castaldo, representative of the 5 Stars Movement in Italy, until this January served as vice-president of the EP. Albanian Daily News had conducted an earlier interview with him two years ago, where he addressed the Albanian difficulties in the EU integration process, regional developments but also the Albania-Italy bilateral relations. We met Mr. Castaldo in Tirana, this time in an unofficial suit, to attend the final of the Conference League in football. Nevertheless we had the opportunity of having a very interesting conversation, in the light of a series of dramatic new developments on the continent and within the EU itself. Follow the interview: 
-Your Excellency, let's kick off this conversation with a direct question. French President Emmanuel Macron has recently tossed out the idea of creating a "European Political Community", explaining what he means by that. A lukewarm positive signal came from Germany, but the project itself raises many questions. I would like a comment of yours. 
-Look, I understand the reasoning behind this proposal of Mr. Macron in the closing speech of the conference on "The future of Europe". But I have to say that I have a lot of reservations about this idea. First, because it further complicates the institutional framework within the European Union. We have already defined the spaces and stages that serve as stations for assessing the progress of countries towards full integration. We have them in place within the EU itself, with the Stabilization and Association Agreements and the granting of candidate country status, - as intermediate stages in the path of each country towards full membership, which is accompanied by the harmonization of the legal basis (acquis comunnautaire ) - as well as outside the Union, with the Council of Europe. The latter, focusing on human rights and a democratic society, provides more coordination in this regard. 
Thus, I say that with Macron's idea we would be risking towards a Europe with even "more gears and speeds" than we can manage, not with two but with several, and consequently with more room for confusion. But above all, we would risk - and this is the unsaid thing behind the proposal - that a country's membership in the "European Political Community" would not be a transitional step towards EU membership, but a final station, or an exhaustingly long one. In other words, an effort to keep at ‘safe distance’ the aspiring countries. 
So here we have to distinguish several categories. There are some countries that have chosen not to join the path to EU membership, but to cooperate in some sectors with the EU as partners. These countries have made their free choice, and here I mean Great Britain, or Norway. This is an existing situation and this hybrid status that Macron proposes does not bring anything new. 
On the other hand, we have countries that legitimately want to join the EU, including those in the Western Balkans. If they meet the Copenhagen criteria, they should be helped to become part of the Union and not fool around giving them a hybrid status. Thus we risk opening other geopolitical games, giving space to other players, who are already present in the Balkans and Europe. We have China, for example, with key infrastructure investments, such as the railway line from Piraeus to Budapest, or the famous/infamous highway that starts from the Montenegrin port of Bari and goes to Serbia. 
We also have Russia, historically present, especially in the orthodox world of the region, including Serbia and Republika Srpska. Undoubtedly, Turkey is also an actor that, although a NATO country and officially an EU candidate country, does not always have an EU-compatible agenda. And finally, we have the rich countries of the Gulf, such as the United Arab Emirates, Qatar or the Saudis, which in certain countries and certain sectors, have increased their weight. 
In other words, our reluctance creates gaps that are being filled by other actors in the region. And if we continue like this, Europe will weaken the attractive power that its model exercises as it does today on the candidate countries, and will erode the desire and enthusiasm of the peoples to one day be part of the Union, because they will feel rejected and victims of double standards. Let us not forget that Europe accepted Bulgaria and Romania as full members, although the problems of these countries - which still continue - were not less than those of the Western Balkans today, which we are delaying for internal political reasons. 
If these countries start to lose the pro-Western and pro-European vocation they have so strongly demonstrated so far, then a very dangerous front will open up for the EU at its doors. 
- I must say that our Prime Minister, Mr. Rama, had good words for the "status of associate member" of the EU, in the last meeting with Mr. Charles Michel, President of the European Council. But in the region there have been comments that Macron's proposal is just a fabrication, an obstructive invention to prolong even more the integration itinerary of our countries. And it came in response to strong calls, also fueled by Russian aggression against Ukraine, for the EU enlargement process to be carried out urgently. What reasons do you see for these attitudes of France? 
- I reiterate that we must react on the basis of respect for agreements, the same standards for all, and without preferential treatment. Personally, I believe that Albania and North Macedonia have already proven that they deserve the opening of membership talks with the EU. They have taken serious steps, concrete reforms, even important ones such as the name issue in Skopje, for which it amended the constitution to resolve the deadlock with Greece - which other country has done this - or the justice reform in Tirana. And now North Macedonia is stuck in this cultural and historical debate with Bulgaria, which according to my humble opinion doesn’t have much reason to exist, and consequently Albania is stuck. 
Let me repeat a clarification that has been voiced many times. We are talking about opening membership talks, not closing them. So it is just the beginning of a long process that involves many phases and technicalities, where the fulfillment of conditions in each sector will be evaluated, according to the respective chapters, so we are making a geopolitical mistake of an extraordinary myopia. 
I think that the only real obstacle is the French elections, as many have guessed, so they are internal political and electoral reasons. It has nothing to do with what is being said, about the fear of the penetration of organized crime by Western Balkan countries into the EU, or similar talk. These networks have existed for a long time, because it is known that crime finds its way. And he is being fought by a closer cooperation between countries. These horses of fear are usually ridden by the European far right, which describes certain regions or places with false colors only to collect the "easy" votes of uninformed or frightened people. 
The French elections are over, but narratives like the above remain, and unless fought and dismantled by pro-European parties, they will not easily disappear. Therefore, I strongly urge Italy to be the protagonist, along with other countries, obviously Germany, to finally start membership talks with Albania and North Macedonia. We can no longer wait, or continue to disappoint the peoples; as I said above, we will pay quite a salty price if we do that. 
-Following this line of thought: Being clear on the reasons for the European reluctance vis a vis the membership of the new countries, perhaps the warning that Prime Minister Rama recently gave on the decoupling of Albania from North Macedonia in terms of membership talks would not work anyway. But do you think this separation would play a role for Albania; and would it be fair? 
- It's a slightly 'insidious' question. A possible decoupling would probably lend a hand to Albania; to what extent I do not know. Let us not forget that until recently, immediately after the signing of the Prespa Agreement with Greece on the name issue, it was North Macedonia that was closest to the opening of the talks, and Tirana was ‘dragging’ the neighbor back with its problems. Now the situation is reversed, because Skopje has to resolve some issues with Bulgaria. 
But beyond the issue of the separation or not of Albania from North Macedonia, or even the opening of talks with one country but not with the other, I think we would send a discouraging and divisive message for the region. After all, there are many Albanians in North Macedonia, over a third of the population, and among them would be dissatisfaction and coldness towards the EU, especially with the current geopolitical crisis, after the brutal Russian attack on Ukraine. Everyone knows the proximity of Bosnian Serb leader Dodik to Russia, as well as the dichotomy of Serbia in the face of multiple ties with Russia on the one hand, and fears of losing the EU train on the other. So we should work aiming at rapprochement and union, not division and separation. 
So my wish is for both countries to open talks. Even if Albania seceded and opened membership talks, this in itself would be a failure for the EU. 
-Mr. Castaldo: The European Union was immersed in internal debates on how to function, the dissatisfaction of some member states, the rise of populist forces, the existence of two speeds, etc., at the moment when the Russian aggression against Ukraine began. There was a swift and unanimous reaction to this attack, which was commented as the moment of truth for the EU. But after the first phase, the lack of unity, especially in terms of sanctions against Russia, is coming to the fore again… Will Europe resist this test? 
-One thing must be said first. Undoubtedly, in the first moments, even Russia could not believe its eyes in front of the tough, united response of the EU. But let us not over-idealize this reaction. Because below the surface disagreements and clashes were simmering, and they started to come up. Especially Hungary, which is currently trying to block the sixth package of sanctions, of course for its own reasons. 
On the other hand, I think these debates are the daughters of the flaw that the EU definitely needs the unanimous vote of all members to reach any decision-making in foreign and security policy. As things are today, would suffice for any other global geopolitical factor, whether China, Russia or anyone else, to enjoy the friendship, closeness or control of attitudes of only one EU member state, and it can block or paralyze the geopolitical decision-making of the whole Union. Unfortunately, that’s why EU reactions are often defined as "too weak, too late". 
-And the solution would be to change this type of decision-making, right… 
-As it turned out in the conference on the Future of Europe, the only solution is to adopt a qualified majority decision-making, in order to have a flexible and efficient EU in foreign affairs and common security. On the other hand, we need to move quickly on the issue of the common European defense, where the first steps were taken first with the EDIDP (European defense industrial development program) and then with the EDF (European defense end), as well as with military mobility (Military mobility) for which I was also rapporteur in the European Parliament. 
These are undoubtedly outstanding steps which help to establish a joint military-industrial base, and greater operability, but more needs to be done. 
The Strategic Compass spectrum - the recently adopted strategic military plan - in my opinion should have been more ambitious. Instead of a rapid intervention force of 5-6 thousand troops, I believe we should talk about at least 50-60 thousand troops, as was said in Helsinki in 1999, a multi-operational deterrent force with assets and action in the naval, air, ground, even cybernetic sectors, and obviously supported by a serious budget that responds to this level. These funds could be raised through the common debt of the Union, but another way is the fast and most efficient transition to renewable energy and alternative gas sources, such as the Gulf countries, Algeria, etc., to break away as soon as possible from Russian dependence. Meanwhile, countries with larger possibilities of financial maneuver, such as Germany, could contribute more in this regard. 
These are also very important topics that will be discussed in June, and I hope we make courageous choices. I emphasize that for these issues, the countries of the Western Balkans should be consulted too, and they should also be connected to the continental energy network and be liberated from Russian dependence. Italy, for example, has completed the interconnection with Montenegro, thus ensuring contact with the entire region. 
-Since you mentioned Italy. Our country’s role in the Western Balkans was most evident a few years ago… 
- Yes, Italy at this point should reflect more in terms of its role in the region. I have pointed out in some of my articles that some initiatives that have been, say, traditional but that have lost some of their strength and dynamism, such as the Central European Initiative or the Adriatic-Ionian, should perhaps be combined and merged into one unified, more agile, more practical format, with a more protagonist Italy that can organize, for example, every year, a big summit for the Western Balkans, and coordinate the activities of the entire institutional, diplomatic, defense world, but also of civil society, not forgetting the main thing, investors, big business and small enterprises. So any actor who is interested in playing a role as an integration engine of the countries of the region in the EU. 
In this sense, I would like to see an Italy totally engaged and committed in this regard, and I as a modest observer with a European institutional role will do my best. 
-Let us close this conversation with the reason of your presence in Tirana, the final of the Conference League. In your eyes, what does this event mean for the capital and Albania? 
-It is a beautiful showcase and a good opportunity for Albania. The stadium is modern and equipped with all conditions and services. Given that we are talking about a sporting event with world viewership, it is certain that the authorities and the Albanian people will do their best to show once again his hospitality, that sacred virtue that has made Albanians famous in all the world. I hope for a beautiful match, and obviously for a commitment of both fans to respect this warm hospitality.