The biggest benefit of a good education is the ability to think for yourself, listen carefully to the opinions of others, debate with them about ideas and reflect on different topics. In democratic societies, despite the flood of "alternative truths," there is a decentralized ecosystem of academics, clergy, civil society, journalists, business, and others who disagree on much but agree on a common system of rules for shaping knowledge. 

In Albania this is difficult, because there is not yet a market of ideas and an ecosystem where people can collectively reason about what is true. In its absence, the politics of the day dictates a media agenda to society, which, in the best case, does not allow the consideration of ideas that should survive collective control, the sifting of which helps the democratic development of society. 

Throughout the year 2023, in my podcast "Public Square", I had the opportunity to talk with personalities of the international and Albanian scene on various topics, trying to understand and explain phenomena that concern us. The key words of these conversations have to do with security, democracy, the economy of life, and how Albanians can act in a reality with "known unknowns", to borrow an expression of the well-known philosopher Slavoj Žižek. I am trying to elaborate my reflections from these conversations to understand the challenges before us. 

Security 

The year 2023 was marked by wars and conflicts. Although Ukraine is resisting Russian aggression, its military counteroffensive has not achieved the desired results. Little changed on the ground. While in Europe and the USA, signs of "fatigue from Ukraine" were felt. The rekindling of the bloody conflict in the Middle East on October 7, sunk the chances for peace and a lasting solution between Israel and Palestine and somewhat pushed into the background the war that has been taking place in Europe since February 24, 2022. 
 
After Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine, the West felt superior in leading a majority of states in the United Nations, which through successive resolutions condemned the unprecedented Russian aggression. However, in the demographic sense of the word, it must be admitted that most of the world did not condemn Russia, because about 40% of the world's population joined the sanctions, which corresponds to about 30% of the product of international cooperation. 
 
However, the rekindling of the bloody conflict in the Middle East overturned the superiority of the West vis-a-vis the rest of the world, due to catastrophic divisions within the EU and the West itself. And nowhere was this more evident than in the votes that took place at the UN, where the West was divided. 

During my engagements in the Middle East and conversations with various personalities there, I realized that for them the war in Ukraine was considered a war in Europe, which had little to do with international law and international security. Europe hardly appeared on the mental map of the Middle East, despite its geographical proximity and the fact that Europe is the gateway for refugees from the Middle East. 

It is understandable that the lack of a common position in support of international law, an immediate ceasefire and the creation of conditions for a sustainable two-state solution in the Middle East, weakens the global position of the EU in particular and the West in generally in securing international support to Ukraine, which lies at the heart of European security. 

The position of the EU is equally difficult in the south of the continent, due to the anemic attitudes towards Serbia, as a destroyer of regional stability and for the non-alignment of its policies and attitudes with those of the EU. Unlike the Russian aggression against Ukraine, which has the form of a colonial war, or the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, Serbia's aggression against Kosovo is that of a candidate state for EU membership against a state aiming for EU membership. 

Viewed in this context, the end of this conflict is no longer a political issue, but a serious security issue for the region and the future of Europe. The choice is no longer only between failure and success of dialogue, but between stability and further escalation of acts of violence. Without guaranteeing security and ending the conflicts as a result of the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in the south of the continent, the EU will find it impossible to sustainably resist Russian aggression in the east of the continent.

Democracy

Since 2008, we have a gradual decline in the quality of democracy, even among the thirty most advanced democracies of Western Europe and North America. The year 2023 is no exception. Even in our region, with the exception of Kosovo, there is a decline in democratic norms, not only in terms of free and democratic elections, but also in terms of other aspects of liberal democracy. In other words, the basic norms of democratic coexistence related to the rule of law, checks and balances between powers, accountability and political responsibility. 

In such conditions, the question arises whether it is worth fighting for democracy? The answer to this question for us Albanians should not have any dilemma, since we have achieved the greatest historical achievements as a nation in those few moments of our history when we kept alive the spirit and spirit of democracy and when we respected the laws of politics, which, although not codified, have the value of the laws of nature. Like security, democracy cannot be taken for granted, as a system that is won once and for all. 

Democracy is a system that must be cultivated day by day. We have many definitions for it. Its minimalist concept is related to the organization of free and equal elections. The middle concept implies, on the one hand, free and equal elections, as well as the rule of law, checks and balances between powers, on the other. While according to the maximalist concept, which is mainly promoted by hardened democrats, democracy means free elections, the rule of law, plus a kind of social justice and a spirit of honesty in government. 

Against the above categorization, the challenges faced by the countries of our region may not be identical. However, a good start would be to address the extreme polarization of political life, the identification of the state with power, the entrenchment of corruption and crime in public life, the concentration of the common wealth and national licenses in a handful of people, without turning back investment to society. These phenomena exhaust people's confidence and reduce the possibilities for a dignified life. It is certain that 2024, as an election year in a large part of the world, will be decisive in the battle between democracy and other forms of government. 

The economy of life 

There are fewer and fewer people in the Western Balkans. Meanwhile, those who do not emigrate and stay in the region are aging. The development gap between the region and the EU, or even our EU member neighbours, is not narrowing, despite the sweet words of senior EU officials. The region faces significant challenges in terms of education policies, health, social care and other public services, which constitute the axis of what Jacques Attali defines as the "economy of life". 

The shrinking of the population and the available labour force reduces the possibility of attracting foreign investment. Without young people and without educated people it is difficult to create a critical mass dedicated to supporting the rule of law, entrenching democracy, improving political culture, institutional behaviour and the level of accountability. 

Unfortunately, Albania leads the countries in the region with the highest number of emigration. In the absence of a real debate about this "demographic threat", there are two positions in Albania. One, which tries to treat it as a phenomenon that has affected many countries in Southeast Europe, but avoiding the analysis of the roots of the phenomenon and the high intensity of emigration. The other, which is conclusive towards the phenomenon and misleading towards the government, but without presenting alternative ideas on how to gradually get out of this situation.

If quick measures are not taken, in addition to the above risks, Albania will also face three other risks related to the sustainability of the pension scheme, health care and social care. Thus, surrendering to the "demographic threat" is not an option, nor is it a replacement for immigration policies. It is necessary to address the push and pull factors of immigration, insisting on the conclusion of agreements with countries that are preferred as destinations, especially by well-educated young people. This creates a basis for the use of assets created thanks to the contribution of Albanian taxpayers and at the same time recognizes the right of people who want to move for a better life in the north of Europe. 

Also, active policies that shape the economy of life are needed. We must reorient our activities towards the economy of life, which means more democracy, more health, more education, more affordable and healthy food, and of course security. 

Data from many studies show that a good part of people do not emigrate only for economic reasons, but for reasons related to the governance model, which suffocates the middle class, deepening inequalities in society. Inequality of socio-economic status, income, and life opportunities. 

To get out of this situation we need to redistribute resources and income, but above all we need to redistribute the resources of knowledge and skills through education. Education policies need to be reviewed and implemented with a new mindset, humbly accepting the mistakes of the past. Technology-focused training programs are welcome, but they cannot replace education programs. We need to ensure quality in teaching and scientific work. 
 
The structure of the Albanian economy must change gradually. The economy relies mainly on branches such as construction or tourism, which are temporary for the way the country should develop. The way the economy should grow should be with very high productivity, in order to create more income. Without quality education and knowledge, high productivity is impossible. We need to promote new branches of development based on green industry, develop large energy resources, which are a great asset, and mineral resources for the development of heavy industry, and direct human resources to new branches. 

Reflecting on the above challenges, which I have tried to analyse with the guests on my podcast "Public Square", the year 2023 reinforced my conviction that we cannot continue to take for granted the fact that we live in the best days in history our national, factoring regional and global interaction, without investing more for security, without fighting and rooting democracy, and without a sustainable economic development that is based on knowledge. If we leave our future to inertia, if we do not dream about this future, if we have no vision, and if we do not have the strength and spirit to fight for this future and this vision, we will lose the historical superiority that we gained in beginning of the twenty-first century.