Montenegro-Albania, the First to Join the EU

Albanian Daily News had a conversation with the President of the Helsinki Committee in Serbia,

Sonja Biserko, a shrewd political analyst, and as another year of the activity of her association is passing in implementing the cause of human rights in Serbia but in the WB, as well, we asked her about the state of human rights in Serbia and the perspective of their improvement, especially when that country is a candidate for joining the EU. In addition, many other topics were discussed focusing on the WB countries and their perspective to join the EU. According to her, Montenegro and Albania could be the first to join the block in a few years. "It's believed that Montenegro and Albania will be the first to join the EU in the next few years," said President Biserko in the following interview:

- Ms. Biserko, which are some of the highlights of the activities of your association in 2024 and how much have different projects delivered?

-The Helsinki Committee, this year as in previous years, has focused on younger generations who need to be introduced to values such as the rule of law, human rights, pluralism, and the critical thinking. In this regard, our alternative educational programs, which have been running for nearly 25 years, are widely recognized and serve as a breeding ground for young professionals who now lead NGOs, work in embassies and international organizations, and many of whom have continued their journey westward for further education.

Particularly significant is the Icebreakers project, which brings together young artists and cultural practitioners from Kosovo and Serbia. This project marks its tenth year and has received an award for innovation as part of the prestigious Intercultural Achievement Award, presented by Austria's Federal Ministry for European and International Affairs.

The Committee has continued to focus on extremism this year, a topic we have been addressing for over a decade. We are recognized as a relevant organization both regionally and internationally when it comes to this phenomenon. Our extensive analyses and publications are widely cited in the field. This year, we hosted an important conference that brought together many relevant experts.

The Committee actively empowers the voices of young people, especially those from Southern Serbia and Kosovo, as we believe this is the only way to build mutual trust. We also participate in international projects related to confronting the past, which remains one of our major priorities. In this regard, we have made substantial achievements, with around 300 publications, most of which are aimed at helping to overcome the legacy of the past.

Additionally, we organized a brainstorming session on the collapse of transitional justice and explored the path forward. This event brought together relevant representatives from civil society, historians, and journalists to find ways to continue our work in a challenging environment where the state denies any responsibility. We believe this is a crucial step for all those working on issues related to the past. The Committee also conducts regular analyses in the form of bulletins that address all current situations in Serbia and their implications for the region, its perspectives to EU membership and so forth.

-In the meantime many minorities live in Serbia, so please how would you assess their rights as citizens of that country, and I am especially interested in the Albanian community in Presevo Valley which is, as it is declared, the most discriminated community in their lands in that Western Balkans country?

- Serbia is far from the standard in which minorities are treated as equal citizens. In recent years, there has been a tendency towards strengthening ethnocentric policies, a well-organized right, racism, violence against minorities, xenophobia, as well as developing mechanisms for indirect discrimination against minorities. The economic crisis – which always primarily affects marginalized ethnic groups, migrants and new minorities – is also an important factor.

Serbia’s official commitment is towards gaining EU membership, which has contributed to the adoption of a Constitution that guarantees the rights of national minorities, as well as the

ratification of international treaties and passing of laws that regulate the status of minorities; in addition, numerous legal acts have been adopted at the level of local governments. Thus, an extensive catalog of the rights of minority communities was established. However, for the successful implementation of minority policies, apart from the normative part, what is most important is the efficient functioning of institutions (judiciary, independent bodies). Political will is extremely important, especially considering the legacy of the 1990s, which remains a burden for relations in the region, but also within Serbia itself. Unfortunately, apart from a declarative will, Serbia does not have a comprehensive strategy for the integration of minorities. It can be concluded that the Serbian government is maneuvering between the integration of national minorities into the political system and their segregation. Segregational multiculturalism maintains ethnic distance, without achieving greater integration. It is a type of multiculturalism that does not establish bridges or cooperation between ethno-cultural groups. Minorities agree to this position, because it still represents progress compared to the previous period.

The Albanian community in Southern Serbia is one of three minority communities (the other two being Bosniaks and Hungarians) and is territorially compact and located along the border (with North Macedonia and Kosovo). All three communities, especially the Bosniak and Albanian ones, have been subjected to various administrative measures (structural discrimination) aimed at reducing their numbers, as well as stifling demands for territorial autonomy. When it comes to the Albanian community, its position and actual status is closely linked to the status of Kosovo and the Serb community in Northern Kosovo.

In order to reduce the number of Albanians living in the south as much as possible, the state is conducting the process of so-called "Passivation of residence of Albanians” working abroad, either in Western Europe or in Kosovo. This “passivation” also targets citizens who permanently reside at their addresses. This measure is, in essence, a form of ethnic cleansing through administrative means.

“Passivation” (mass and selective passivation of residence) leads to individuals losing their status of being a citizen of Serbia and, accordingly, all civil rights – the rights to vote, property, health

insurance, pension, employment, etc. Since citizens are not informed about “passivation”, they usually lose their right to appeal, the deadline for which is eight days.

Although there is no palpable tension among the citizens, there is growing distrust towards institutions – the police, the prosecution and the courts – due to the systematic and continuous “passivation”, and an impossibility to stop this process and annul the actions carried out thus far.

The Helsinki Committee has spoken to people from Southern Serbia who believe that tensions are being generated by the central government (Belgrade), and have expressed feeling helpless because ministries can do whatever they want, appoint and replace officials overnight. Of particular concern is the hate speech of certain government officials.

One particular problem is the non-recognition of diplomas, which prompts the departure of the most educated people belonging to the Albanian elite, who have no possibility of employment in state and public institutions. Albanians who are temporarily working abroad do not have the opportunity to invest in these three municipalities, both due to “passivation” and an unreliable legal framework.

Albanians in the south, especially the young, feel isolated, social mobility is low, and due to the impossibility of employment and the absence of social and cultural content, everyday life is practically reduced to mere existence.

-You have raised your voice even for human rights in other Western Balkan countries. As most of them eye to join the EU do you cooperate with similar associations in those countries and consequently how would you assess human rights in some of them and do they comply with the EU standards?

- One of the essential characteristics of the ongoing global commotion is the decline of the world order that has been in place until now, and the simultaneous birth of a new world order. The new, adverse circumstances have had a significant impact on the political elites and their stance towards human rights, which is also clear in the case of Serbia. In the global crises of recent years, human lives and security have been constantly neglected, and in such situations, it is marginalized groups that suffer the most.

Frustration due to the failed transition process has led to the rejection of liberalism, individualism and human rights as an ideology in Serbia but also in the whole region. It is considered an imperialistic project of Western civilization that is essentially based in the historical and social experience of the West. As religion gained dominant space in the public and the media, the views of the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC) significantly influenced the perception of the concept of human rights.

In its most recent reports, the European Commission criticized the deficiencies of the rule of law, which is why no negotiation chapter within the accession negotiations with the EU was opened during the last three years.

Regulatory bodies and institutions, such as the protector of citizens, also established following democratic changes, have now been “devastated and marginalized”. Their leaders are unrecognizable in public and have no influence. Only the ombudsman for equality functions in certain areas, such as the issues of women’s rights and vulnerable groups in general, primarily the elderly.

In recent years, the rights of freedom of movement, expression, peaceful assembly, the right to healthcare, and the rights of national minorities have been violated. Media freedom is probably the most threatened, because it is the media that maintain a toxic atmosphere that constantly raises tensions with all neighbors, as well as within society itself.

Professional journalists, especially those following corruption and money flows, are under constant threat, and smear campaigns against them are ongoing. The ongoing student protests, sparked by the recent tragedy in Novi Sad, have brought widespread public dissatisfaction to the forefront. The significant turnout of students, supported by their peers in Zagreb, Ljubljana, Rijeka, and beyond, demonstrates that the new generation is ready to stand up for freedom. This is a pivotal moment and holds the potential to inspire meaningful change in the country.

-Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina continue to be with the highest intensity of conflicts. How do you see the perspective of them, especially in Kosovo which has been the target of increased aggressivity by Serbia?

- Kosovo and Bosnia are consistently sensitive points in the Western Balkans and have the potential to escalate into smaller- scale conflicts. This is induced by Belgrade's policy, which still hopes that some new circumstances might eventually work in its favor. For example, the election of Donald Trump, which otherwise brings many uncertainties regarding Europe and, by extension, the Balkans.

The Balkans were not a priority in Trump’s campaign, and it can be concluded that there will not be significant changes in this regard. What is crucial for the Balkans in these new circumstances is how

the EU will act and whether it will take the Western Balkans more seriously, given the numerous challenges it faces. It would be important for the region that the EU's enlargement policy genuinely addresses the Western Balkans. It would also be significant to stop accommodating Belgrade at all costs, as this gives it considerable room to raise tensions in the region.

It is evident that Kosovo is constantly under pressure. Some hope that there is a possibility of partition. Essentially, Belgrade's policy remains consistent in undermining Kosovo's independence, with the sole aim of proving that it is incapable of functioning as an independent state.

- As a follow up, Ms. President, how do you evaluate 2024 about the situation in the region against the background of the developments in Europe (Ukraine war) and worldwide?

- The Russian aggression against Ukraine promptly brought the EU and the US back to the Balkans out of fear that Moscow might open another front or escalate tensions, particularly in Kosovo and Bosnia. As a result, all Balkan countries, except Serbia, imposed sanctions on Russia, and the EU enlargement process has been revitalized, accompanied by new funds aimed at supporting reforms in the Balkans.

However, Russia has a deep influence in some countries, especially in Serbia and Republika Srpska, and it is attempting by all means to obstruct their membership in both the EU and NATO.

It should also be noted that in recent years, there has been democratic regression in almost all Balkan countries, particularly in Serbia. This demonstrates that the potential for change is limited, and coupled with Russian influence, progress toward EU integration is further slowed.

- Ms. Biserko, what could you tell us on the cooperation of your association with the Helsinki Committee in Tirana?

- The Helsinki Committee in Serbia has long been collaborating with the Albanian Helsinki Committee on various projects. I can say that there is an exceptionally good understanding of the problems the region is facing. Together, we are members of a broader international platform—the Solidarity Platform.

-2025, the new year- how do you see the perspective of this region regarding its steps towards EU accession and how much is the EU interested in admitting them?

- We are living in very unstable and unpredictable times, making it difficult to forecast with certainty how quickly or slowly the countries of the region will move toward EU membership. The new EU Commission has taken a much more resolute stance regarding the region. It is believed that Montenegro and Albania will be the first to join the EU in the next few years. However, it is

certain that the region, due to the security risks it poses, remains a focal point for the Commission.

The sudden fall of Assad, with expectations of a similar scenario in Iran, indicates that the broader international context is changing dramatically, which could have both positive and negative implications, depending on which actors prove to be decisive.