Open Balkans Legitimizes 'Serbian World'
Mayor of a city in war in the age of 36 in the 1990s, politician becoming deputy, writer and senior diplomat being ambassador to Kosovo, North Macedonia and Albania in the 21st century. These are in a nutshell the highlights of the CV of the current Ambassador of Croatia to Tirana, Zlatko Kramaric. Being an earnest reader of Albanian Daily News and special contributor with conversations, opinions and analysis to it during his ambassadorial tenure in Tirana, we were intrigued to learn which is the thread linking them all in his career from 1990 to 2021.
The 30th anniversary of Vukovar tragedy, when members of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) and Serb paramilitary formations entered the destroyed city after a three-month siege, was as always commemorated with the participation of the highest authorities of the country. This was an added urge for ADN to talk with the Ambassador, Kramaric, as one of the key political figures in Croatia and mayor of Osijek when the artillery bombardment of the city by the Yugoslav People's Army, which took place from August 1991 to June 1992 during the Croatian War of Independence, entering history as The ‘Battle of Osijek’ (Croatian: Bitka za Osijek).
"All of my activities in my career have always been the result of my free choices, which have allowed me to practice an outsider and engaged position alike. I know it is one impossible, oxymoronic combination, but that’s exactly why I enjoyed it. And all these activities make me a happy and content person," said Ambassador Kramaric with a touch of decency hinting that's not all.
A believer that the 'Yugoslav crisis' would be resolved by political rather than military means as a follow up of what was happening after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the young mayor of Osijek, a city close to Vukovar, saw that the policy of the late Serb strongman, Slobodan Milosevic was the creation of a Greater Serbia, a new Yugoslavia without Slovenia. "That decision was crucial, decisive, because it ignored the results of the democratic elections in Croatia. Milosevic was given the green light for his imperial plans," revealed the Ambassador.
He recalls that when the European Community became involved in resolving the crisis in July 1991 its attempts were ineffective. The Yugoslav army, along with Serb volunteers from Serbia, Bosnia, Montenegro and local Serbs, was taking military action by attacking Croatian towns with the intention of overthrowing the democratic government in Croatia, or amputating those parts of Croatia that it considers 'Serb lands'. "Therefore, it is ridiculous and frivolous to talk about the war in Croatia in the categories of 'civil war'," said the Ambassador, who stressed: "It is a classic imperial war for foreign territories."
Asked about the Open Balkans initiative, he noted that it is very important to recognize, in time, until it is too late, all possible political consequences behind the 'innocent' phrase: 'Serbian world', which is slowly but surely legitimizing itself through the Open Balkans initiative and with international support.
The Ambassador was worried that the current political situation in the Balkans is not good and the region is still a barrel of gunpowder. On the other hand, according to him, the international community, as a rule, is late with its reactions, and even when it does react, that reaction is inadequate.
"Balkan politicians like to repeat all the mistakes they have made many times throughout history. And they are very persistent in these activities," said the Croatian Ambassador to Albania, Zlatko Kramaric in the following interview:
Albanian Daily News: Mr. Ambassador, you have been a guest to Albanian Daily News as a top diplomat of Zagreb to Tirana in interviews and contributions, but the occasion of the commemoration of the war victims of Vukovar and all the areas of the nearby region on the 30th anniversary of its fall into the hands of the Yugoslav People's Army and Serb paramilitaries has intrigued us to have a conversation with you because you were the Mayor of Osijek, a town in the epicenter of the war, which was among the first to be attacked by the Serb paramilitaries. Please what can you tell ADN’s readers about those tragic hard times as Osijek’s mayor, especially the atmosphere amongst the people?
Croatian Ambassador Zlatko Kramaric: I was convinced that the 'Yugoslav crisis' would be resolved by political rather than military means. I was convinced that peace had no alternative. The Berlin Wall has fallen, communism is dead, democratic processes are inevitable. Finally, the Czechs and Slovaks showed how it is done, calmly, and friendly.
Probably something similar would have happened in Yugoslavia if the Yugoslav army had not accepted the policy of S. Milosevic, the creation of a Greater Serbia, a new Yugoslavia without Slovenia. That decision was crucial, decisive, because it ignored the results of the democratic elections in Croatia. Milosevic was given the green light for his imperial plans.
- Los Angeles Times wrote on July 10, 1991 under the headline: “Yugoslav Foes Seem Not to Want Peace: Balkans" Serbia, largest of the republic, snubs attempts to defuse the crisis. Thus, the time bomb keeps ticking.” According to it, Croatia has given grudging endorsement to the European peace plan, but Serbia has refused it. It wrote quoting you that clashes between Serbs and Croats have taken 90 lives in the republic over the past three months. What can you tell us now about what was happening and how did you handle the war situation when you were 36 years old if I am not mistaken?
- It's time. July 1991, when the European Community became involved in resolving the crisis. But her attempts were ineffective. Moreover, the Brijuni Declaration calls for Croatia and Slovenia to suspend their decision on independence for three months in order to find a reasonable political solution during that period.
Meanwhile, the Yugoslav army, along with Serb volunteers from Serbia, Bosnia, Montenegro and local Serbs, is taking military action by attacking Croatian towns with the intention of overthrowing the democratic government in Croatia, or amputating those parts of Croatia that it considers 'Serb lands'. Therefore, it is ridiculous and frivolous to talk about the war in Croatia in the categories of 'civil war'.
It is a classic imperial war for foreign territories.
The Serbian narrative at the time was contaminated with the myth of territory. In this context, it is very important to recognize, in time, until it is too late, all possible political consequences behind the 'innocent' phrase: 'Serbian world', which is slowly but surely legitimizing itself through the Open Balkans initiative. And with international support. As it is wrong to reduce the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro to the issue of religious freedom. Unfortunately, some of my colleagues tend to simplify these dangerous political-religious processes. I repeat, it is very important to correctly detect phenomena in society.
At that time, I am doing everything I can to sensitize the world public and acquaint them with the real state of affairs.
- During the commemoration of November 18, 2021 many Croatians were quoted as saying that the Vukovar tragedy is not over because the perpetrators have not been punished yet and wounds are still open. What can you say about this, Mr. Ambassador?
- Unfortunately, that is true. Those who took part in the aggression on Vukovar did not experience catharsis, do not want to face the past, do not admit the evil they committed, consciously manipulate the historical facts. Simply, their actions are dominated by mythical consciousness. In such non-historical activities, they are fully supported by all those who still cannot come to terms with the fact that Yugoslavia no longer exists.
- There are differences regarding the emotions on occasions of such commemorations in anniversaries like the latest one between Croatia and the EU officials. Which is the gist of the differences and how should the common saying “Forgive but not forget!” be considered?
- Commemoration is not an ordinary ritual. It is an act by which we show our respect for the innocent victims of certain historical events, when we remember their tragedy. But there is also a conflict within memory. Of course, one should always seek and strive for a balance between forgiveness and keeping the memories of the victims, and so it is very difficult to achieve if the perpetrators still do not want to show that they repent for the evil they have committed.
They destroyed a beautiful city, systematically destroyed it for three months, killed a mass of civilians during the siege, and after the fall of the city killed the defenders without any trial. About the phenomenon of commemoration, about the victims it would be advisable to read the book by the French philosopher P. Bruckner “The Temptation of Innocence”!
- A mayor of a city in war in the 20th century, a politician becoming a deputy, a senior diplomat and a writer: Your Excellency, which is the thread linking them all in your career considering this after 30 years?
- All of my activities in my career have always been the result of my free choices, which have allowed me to practice an outsider and engaged position alike. I know it is one impossible, oxymoronic combination, but that’s exactly why I enjoyed it.
And all these activities make me a happy and content person.
- Ambassador Kramaric, you as mayor of Osijek, Croatia, along with Selim Beslagic, mayor of Tuzla, Bosnia, and Vesna Pesic, president of the Civic Alliance of Serbia - received the 1997 W. Averell Harriman Democracy Award at a banquet hosted by the National Democratic Institute. The three of you were honored in Washington on November 5, 1997 for your anti-war efforts in Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia. Previous recipients include Czech President Vaclav Havel, US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, and former US President Jimmy Carter. How do you feel about such a high honor?
- Vaclav Havel is my idol in every way. He is also a great writer, a true statesman who enabled a peaceful transition in his country. From his books, his letters from prison, his public speeches I learned to think politically. He taught me that politics without morals is a bad, failed policy.
I am very proud of this award, and even more so of the fact that my Havel-Gandhi action during the war was not only noticed but also honored. Namely, I showed that even in the most difficult times of war, one can remain a man, that it is possible to be the mayor of all citizens regardless of their ethnic, religious, party affiliation ... And that the speech of love is much better than the speech of hate. In my constant public appearances I avoided any kind of propaganda. (I did not want to take part in the media war). I was convinced that the difficult situation in the city can be overcome only with the speech of love, speech of reconciliation. My basic message to the citizens of Osijek at that time was: do nothing in the war that you will be ashamed of after the war!
- Now let me turn, please to the present time as 30 years are not too far from the Yugoslavia wars in 1991. The conflict between Serbia and Kosovo goes on, the troubled situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is aggravating, and disputes between Croatia and Serbia continue. Are you worried about the current situation in the region, and according to you, what lessons should the people of the region remember from the past bloody wars?
- In one of my last interviews for ADN, I said that the political situation in the region is not good. And all the events after the games around Kosovo, the absence of continuation of the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina, Dodik's performances in Bosnia, the confusing situation in Montenegro, which is additionally contaminated by the political activities of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the resignation of the Prime Minister of Northern Macedonia Z. Zaev after his failure parties, but also DUI, the largest Albanian party in North Macedonia, which is the most important coalition partner of the Macedonian Social Democrats, in the local elections (interestingly, Albin Kurti's party also failed in the local elections) show that my statement was more than correct. That doesn’t make me a happy person.
The region is still a barrel of gunpowder. Balkan politicians like to repeat all the mistakes they have made many times throughout history. And in these activities they are very persistent. The international community, as a rule, is late with its reactions, and even when it does react, that reaction is inadequate. Finally, all the agreements, both the Kumanovo one, the Ohrid one, and the Dayton one, did not solve the fundamental problem, which led to the conflict, but left it open. All these agreements offered only partial solutions to the problem, by stopping military activities, but all other problems remained, from unresolved inter-ethnic relations to undefined political-social relations. They allowed each of those involved in their own way , interpret these agreements. Instead of unambiguity, we have a real cacophony of opposing, irreconcilable political voices, attitudes …
-To conclude, Mr. Ambassador, do you think that the role of the EU and the US should increase for peace and stability to be established in the Balkans rather than let events deteriorate and then say: “too little, too late!?”
- Sometimes I have a feeling that the international community has still not been able to get rid of the syndrome of endless concessions to 'little dictators', who, if not stopped in time, can cause a catastrophe on a global scale. This was also the case in the 1930s, when European leaders yielded to unreasonable demands on Hitler, and then in the 1990s the international community did not recognize in time the ultimate consequences of Milosevic's policies (for this occasion various African and other dictators such as Saddam Hussein, not to mention).
So the time has come for the international community, America and the EU to be more actively and effectively involved in resolving the Balkan crisis so as not to say that we are late and that too little has been done. Let the personnel solutions (Palmer, Hill, Escobar ...) in the new American administration be a hope that all is not lost, as well as the arrival of Ch. Schmidt to Bosnia!